Badiualso Badius, Badiu di Santiagu; from the Portuguese vadiu, meaning vagrant, later reclaimed as a term of pride
The mountainous interior of Santiago island, especially the Santa Catarina, Tarrafal, Santa Cruz and Sao Domingos municipalities, with Badiu identity also claimed by many in Praia · Santiago Kriolu, Portuguese · Santiago island counted 273,988 residents in the general census of 2021, but Cabo Verde has recorded no ethnicity on any census since the race category was removed after independence in 1975. Badiu is a cultural and regional self-identification rather than a counted category, so any figure is inferred from island residence and understates the many Badiu-identified people living in Praia or abroad.
Badiu identity traces to enslaved West Africans, many from Upper Guinea, Senegambia and what is now Guinea-Bissau, who escaped coastal plantations through marronage and built free settlements in Santiago's rugged interior, around Serra da Malagueta among other places. Those communities preserved African-derived knowledge in music, religion, agriculture and communal labour, most visibly in batuku, a percussion and call-and-response tradition led by women, and funana, the accordion and ferrinho dance music that Portuguese colonial authorities banned from radio and urban performance, with musicians jailed for playing it after curfew. Tabanka blends Catholic procession with African-derived ritual and mutual aid, and djunta-mon, meaning join hands, names the cooperative labour that still organises planting and harvest. Badiu was coined as a colonial slur equating interior Africanness with vagrancy, set against Sampadjudu islanders seen as more assimilated, and Badiu speakers reclaimed the word as a marker of authenticity and resistance, though the class and colour line it once drew persists in lighter jokes about who is too African and who is too European.
Visiting: Batuku and tabanka gatherings in rural Santiago are community events rather than staged shows, so ask a local host or guide before photographing, and expect to be invited to join the dance rather than only to watch. Funana venues get loud and physically close, since the dance is danced in contact, so read the room before joining a couple already dancing. Greet elders with a handshake or light cheek touch and open in Kriolu rather than Portuguese, which some interior communities associate with the colonial school system.
Sampadjudualso Sampadjudus, Barlavento islanders; from the Kriolu sempri ajuda, meaning always helps
The six windward Barlavento islands: Santo Antao, Sao Vicente, Sao Nicolau, Sal, Boa Vista and the uninhabited islet of Santa Luzia, as distinct from the leeward Sotavento group · Barlavento Kriolu, Portuguese · The five inhabited Barlavento islands totalled roughly 171,500 residents in the 2021 census, with Santo Antao at 36,950, Sao Vicente at 75,845, Sao Nicolau at 12,306, Sal at 33,615 and Boa Vista at 12,798. This is a geographic sum rather than an ethnic count, since the census has not asked about ethnicity since 1975 and Sampadjudu is a cultural label applied and self-applied unevenly across those islands.
Sampadjudu names the shared identity of the Barlavento islands in contrast to Sotavento's Badiu, and the term's folk etymology, meaning always ready to help, was coined during slavery to describe enslaved people considered docile or cooperative, the polite mirror of the vagrant slur aimed at the Badiu. Barlavento settlement patterns differed from Santiago's, since drier and less plantation-dependent islands drew smaller enslaved populations and more Portuguese, Genoese and later British and American maritime traders, producing lighter-skinned and more urbanised port populations on Sao Vicente and Sal. The old rivalry plays out as mutual mockery, with the Sampadjudu accused of imitating European manners and diluting Africanness and the Badiu mocked in turn as too rural, and it still surfaces good-naturedly in football rivalries and music scenes, where the Barlavento islands lean toward morna and coladeira over Santiago's batuku and funana. Barlavento Kriolu carries the divide linguistically, since it drops or transforms vowels that Sotavento Kriolu keeps, and its speakers often defend their variant as closer to sung Portuguese.
Visiting: Do not use Badiu and Sampadjudu interchangeably or suggest that one is more authentically Cape Verdean than the other in front of locals, since the rivalry is affectionate among Cape Verdeans but lands as an outsider's ignorance when repeated carelessly. Barlavento hospitality, morabeza, is genuine and constant, small talk before business is expected, and turning down an offered coffee or grogue reads as cold rather than efficient.
Rabeladosalso The Rebelled; Badiu Rabeladu
Interior mountain settlements of Santiago, principally around Espinho Branco in the Tarrafal and Santa Cruz municipalities · Santiago Kriolu · No independent census count exists, since the Rabelados are not tabulated as a category in the 2021 census or in any prior one, Cabo Verde recording religion and locality but not sect or ethnicity. Estimates found in tourism and academic sources describe the Espinho Branco community only in the low hundreds without a cited enumeration.
The Rabelados formed in the 1940s when the Catholic Church sent Portuguese and Italian priests to replace local clergy and reform the Mass and religious education across Cabo Verde. A segment of Santiago's rural Catholic population rejected the changes, retreated into inaccessible interior land and kept practising the older liturgy and calendar in secrecy, taking the name Rabelados, meaning the rebelled, from Kriolu. They reject infant baptism, maintain their own interpretation of scripture, and hold services on their own schedule rather than on the standard Catholic week. Descended mostly from formerly enslaved Africans like their Badiu neighbours, they support themselves through subsistence agriculture, fishing and handicrafts, notably pottery and weaving sold to visitors as one of their few points of contact with the cash economy, and they have resisted incorporation into national identity documents and administration for decades.
Visiting: Espinho Branco is visited on organised tours out of Tarrafal, so go with a local guide who already has a relationship with the community rather than arriving independently. Photography of people and religious activity requires explicit permission and is sometimes refused outright, since the community's whole history is one of guarding privacy from outside authority. Dress conservatively and do not treat a visit as a curiosity stop, and buying pottery or handwoven goods supports the households you are visiting directly.
Fogo Islandersalso Foguenses
Fogo island, centred on the historic port town of Sao Filipe with rural parishes across the volcanic slopes · Fogo Kriolu, Portuguese · Fogo recorded 33,754 residents in the 2021 census, a figure for island residence only. The census does not classify residents by ethnicity, so this counts everyone living on Fogo rather than anyone identifying culturally as Foguense.
Sao Filipe, the country's second oldest town, grew wealthy on coffee, wine and colonial trade, and its sobrados, two-storey merchant houses with carved wooden verandas built from pine imported by American whaling ships, still line its streets as a physical record of who lived upstairs and who worked below in slavery's aftermath. The island's central event is the Festa de Sao Filipe, the Bandeira festival held around 1 May, in which a festeiro formally passes a ceremonial flag to a successor, followed by cavalhadas horse races run through the town's streets, church processions and a communal cachupada feast of the national cachupa stew. Fogo's volcanic soil produces a distinctive wine and a strong Arabica coffee that islanders treat as points of regional pride against the rest of the archipelago, and morna and coladeira are played at Bandeira and in Sao Filipe's harbourfront bars much as on Sao Vicente, though Fogo's version carries its own vocal style shaped by the island's isolation.
Visiting: Time a Fogo visit around the Bandeira festival in late April and early May if culture is the priority, but book accommodation well ahead since the town fills up. The sobrados are private homes as much as landmarks, so admire the architecture from the street rather than assuming entry. Hiking Pico do Fogo requires a licensed local guide arranged through the Cha das Caldeiras cooperative, both for safety on an active volcano and because that income supports the community below it.
Cha das Caldeiras Communityalso Caldeirenses, the Montrond families
The volcanic crater of Pico do Fogo on Fogo island, in the villages of Bangaeira and Portela · Fogo Kriolu, Portuguese · Sources describe roughly 700 inhabitants before the eruption of 2014 and 2015. There is no dedicated census tabulation for Cha das Caldeiras as a unit separate from Fogo's municipal breakdown, and post-eruption numbers fluctuate as families who resettled elsewhere return unofficially to rebuild inside the crater.
Cha das Caldeiras sits literally inside the caldera of an active volcano, and most of its families trace ancestry to Francois Louis Armand Fourcheut de Montrond, a French nobleman who settled on Fogo around 1870 and introduced viticulture on the crater's mineral-rich soil, so the community today includes residents with light skin, blue eyes and blond hair alongside descendants of the Badiu labourers who worked the vineyards. The cooperative winery produces the country's best-known wine from grapes grown nowhere else in West Africa. When Pico do Fogo erupted from November 2014 to February 2015, lava fields covering roughly 520 hectares destroyed nearly every home, the school, the health post, the churches and the winery itself, displacing around 994 people. The government barred rebuilding in the high-risk zone, but families returned within months, in defiance of the ban, to rebuild homes and replant vineyards on top of fresh lava rock, an act of resettlement now treated locally as the community's defining trait rather than as recklessness.
Visiting: Entry to Cha das Caldeiras and any ascent of Pico do Fogo requires a local guide from the community cooperative, which is both a safety requirement on active terrain and the main income stream left to residents after the eruption destroyed agricultural land. Buy wine directly from the rebuilt cooperative rather than only in Sao Filipe shops, since retail markup elsewhere returns little to the growers. Ask before photographing rebuilt homes standing on visible lava rock, since for residents this is daily life rather than a disaster backdrop.
Santo Antao Islandersalso Santantonenses
Santo Antao island, concentrated in the deep ribeiras, the river valleys, of Paul, Ribeira Grande and Porto Novo · Santo Antao Kriolu, Portuguese · Santo Antao recorded 36,950 residents in the 2021 census, an island-residence figure. The census records no ethnic or cultural affiliation, so it cannot distinguish long-settled valley farming families from more recent arrivals.
Santo Antao is the archipelago's most agriculturally productive island, its steep ribeiras terraced for sugarcane, coffee, bananas, mango and root vegetables using irrigation channels the farmers still maintain by hand. Sugarcane feeds the island's grogue distilleries, where cane is crushed, sometimes still with ox-powered presses, and distilled into the country's signature rum, and the distilleries run informally out of family compounds while the harvest season from March to July doubles as a social calendar around the pressing and tasting. The island's isolation from Praia and its Sotavento neighbours, since it sits in Barlavento but was long reachable from Sao Vicente only by boat and now by a short ferry, gave rise to a self-sufficient rural identity built around farming labour, extended-family land tenure and church feast days tied to the agricultural calendar rather than to the port-town culture of Mindelo next door.
Visiting: The Cova crater and the ribeira trekking routes cross working farmland rather than open wilderness, so keep to marked paths, close any gates you pass through, and do not pick fruit from trees along the trail without asking. A visit to a grogue distillery is an invitation into someone's livelihood, so buy a bottle if you taste and confirm before photographing the workers or the still. Basic Kriolu greetings go further here than on tourist-facing Sal or Boa Vista, since fewer residents work in tourism day to day.
Sao Vicente Islandersalso Mindelenses, Vicentinos
Sao Vicente island, centred on the port city of Mindelo · Sao Vicente Kriolu, Portuguese · Sao Vicente recorded 75,845 residents in the 2021 census. This is a residence count only, since the census has no ethnicity question, and it does not separate Mindelo-born residents from the many Cape Verdeans from other islands who have settled there for work.
Mindelo's natural harbour made it a nineteenth-century coaling and telegraph station for British and later international shipping, and that cosmopolitan port history, rather than plantation agriculture, shaped Sao Vicente's identity as the archipelago's cultural capital. It is the home island of morna, the melancholic and blues-adjacent song form built on longing, emigration and sea-crossing that UNESCO inscribed as Intangible Cultural Heritage, and of its livelier dance-floor counterpart coladeira. Cesaria Evora, the singer most responsible for taking morna to a global audience, began performing in Mindelo's bars and hotels in the 1960s and is honoured with a museum in the city. Mindelo hosts the country's best-known Carnival, modelled loosely on Brazilian and Portuguese traditions but staged with local samba-school-style groups, and the colonial-era architecture along the harbourfront reflects the city's old role as a free port rather than as a colonial administrative seat.
Visiting: Live morna venues in Mindelo expect quiet attentiveness during a song and applause after, a different register from coladeira sets where dancing is the point, so watch the room to read which is happening. Carnival in February or March draws crowds and inflated accommodation prices, so book far ahead if attending. The Cesaria Evora museum and the harbourfront bars are the easiest and most welcoming entry points into local music culture for a first-time visitor.
Sao Nicolau Islandersalso Sao-nicolauenses
Sao Nicolau island, principally Ribeira Brava and Tarrafal de Sao Nicolau · Sao Nicolau Kriolu, Portuguese · Sao Nicolau recorded 12,306 residents in the 2021 census. The census records residence rather than ethnicity, so this figure includes recent arrivals alongside long-settled island families and cannot be read as an ethnic count.
Sao Nicolau's outsized place in Cabo Verdean identity comes from literature rather than from population or trade. Baltasar Lopes da Silva, born in Calejao on Sao Nicolau in 1907, co-founded the journal Claridade in 1936 with Manuel Lopes, also of Sao Nicolau, and Jorge Barbosa of Santiago, a magazine that broke with romanticised colonial writing to depict drought, emigration and rural hardship in Cabo Verde's own voice, effectively founding a distinct national literary identity. Lopes's novel Chiquinho, published in 1947 and titled after a nickname for the island itself, is considered the founding work of Cape Verdean realist fiction and is still assigned in schools across the archipelago. The island's culture beyond that literary legacy is quieter than its Barlavento neighbours, with small-scale farming in Ribeira Brava's valley, fishing along the coast, and a seminary history, since the island hosted the country's first Portuguese-language seminary, that produced generations of clergy and early intellectuals.
Visiting: Ribeira Brava's old seminary and colonial-era streets reward a slow walk rather than a checklist visit, and with little organised tourism infrastructure, basic Portuguese or Kriolu phrases and patience with irregular transport go a long way. Locals take pride in the Claridade legacy, and asking about Baltasar Lopes or Chiquinho is a genuinely welcomed conversation starter rather than a tourist script.
Sal Islandersalso Saloios, Sal residents
Sal island, historically centred on the salt-pan town of Pedra de Lume and now on Espargos and the resort strip of Santa Maria · Sal Kriolu, Portuguese, English, Italian · Sal recorded 33,615 residents in the 2021 census, a sharp jump built almost entirely on tourism-driven internal and international migration since the international airport and the beach resorts expanded from the 1990s. The census counts residence only and does not distinguish long-settled Saloio families from the many Cape Verdeans and foreign workers who have relocated for hotel and construction jobs.
Sal takes its name from the salt once extracted at Pedra de Lume's crater-lake pans, worked from the seventeenth century until the trade collapsed in the twentieth, and the flooded crater is now a swimming attraction rather than an industrial site. The old Saloio population was small and semi-nomadic, moving between salt work and subsistence fishing on an island too arid for agriculture, a scarcity that shaped a famously understated local temperament compared to the more densely settled islands. Tourism since the 2000s reversed Sal's demographic weight entirely, since it is now the country's most internationally connected island, with resident European retirees and seasonal hotel staff drawn from across the archipelago and from West Africa reshaping Santa Maria into a town where Italian and English signage is as common as Portuguese.
Visiting: Santa Maria's resort strip is not representative of Cabo Verdean daily life, and a short trip to Pedra de Lume or Espargos shows the older salt and fishing economy the island grew from. Kitesurfing and diving operators are mostly foreign-run, so if supporting local livelihoods matters, ask specifically for Cape Verdean-owned guesthouses and tour operators rather than defaulting to the largest resort.
Boa Vista Islandersalso Boavistenses
Boa Vista island, centred on Sal Rei with dispersed date-palm and fishing settlements · Boa Vista Kriolu, Portuguese · Boa Vista recorded 12,798 residents in the 2021 census. The census does not ask about ethnicity, and the figure includes the Senegalese and other West African labour migrants who now form a visible share of the island's tourism workforce alongside older Boavistense families.
Boa Vista's economy before tourism rested on date palm cultivation and small-scale fishing on an island whose interior is largely desert dune, which gives it the archipelago's closest resemblance to a Saharan landscape. Loggerhead sea turtles nest on Boa Vista's beaches in globally significant numbers, and turtle conservation, run partly by local cooperatives, has become both an environmental cause and a source of guiding income since the international airport opened in 2007 and brought mass beach tourism. That boom, arriving later and faster than on Sal, pulled in Senegalese and other West African labour migrants who now work in hotels, construction and informal trade alongside Boavistense families whose grandparents fished and farmed dates on an island that had almost no paved roads a generation ago.
Visiting: Turtle nesting season, roughly July to October, carries strict protocols, so night beach visits should go through a licensed conservation guide, and white light or flash photography near nesting turtles is both harmful and generally prohibited. Sal Rei's older quarter and the inland date-palm villages give a clearer sense of pre-tourism Boa Vista than the resort zones along the southern coast.
Maio Islandersalso Maioenses
Maio island, centred on Porto Ingles, also called Vila do Maio, with pastoral settlements such as Alcatraz and Figueira · Maio Kriolu, Portuguese · Maio recorded 6,330 residents in the 2021 census, one of the smallest island populations in the country and one that has declined over past decades through emigration. The census counts residence rather than ethnicity or ancestry.
Maio was settled in the late sixteenth century primarily for livestock grazing, and cattle and goat herding, once producing thousands of animals a year, degraded the island's vegetation faster than it could regenerate, a long-run ecological cost still visible in the sparse interior. From the seventeenth century English merchants, finding the Portuguese uninterested in the island, built an efficient salt-extraction operation at what became Porto Ingles, meaning English Port, shipping salt to Europe and later to Brazil until Brazilian protectionist tariffs ended the trade at the close of the nineteenth century and left the island without a substitute industry. Persistent drought through the twentieth century drove heavy emigration, and Maio today remains the least developed inhabited island for tourism, with small pastoral villages such as Alcatraz still keeping goat and cattle herds much as their nineteenth-century predecessors did, alongside artisanal salt gathering on a far smaller scale than the old English works.
Visiting: Maio has minimal tourism infrastructure and few English speakers outside Porto Ingles, so basic Portuguese or Kriolu is genuinely useful here rather than merely a courtesy. Grazing livestock and unfenced pasture are common along inland tracks, so drive and walk accordingly, and treat a visit to a herding village as a chance to buy goat cheese or produce directly rather than expecting organised tourist activities.
Brava Islandersalso Bravenses; islanders of the Ilha das Flores
Brava island, the smallest inhabited island in the country, centred on Vila Nova Sintra and the port of Furna · Brava Kriolu, Portuguese · Brava recorded 5,647 residents in the 2021 census, the smallest of any inhabited island and a fraction of the population before mass emigration to the United States began in the nineteenth century. The census records current residence only and cannot capture the far larger Brava-descended population now settled abroad.
Brava's defining historical fact is its role in New England whaling, since American whaling ships routinely stopped at Cabo Verde between the 1790s and the 1850s to provision and recruit crew, and severe droughts on Brava and neighbouring Fogo pushed young men, many of them formerly enslaved or of mixed descent, into whaling as one of the only viable livelihoods available. Furna, the small port, became a principal embarkation point for a migration stream to the whaling capital of New Bedford in Massachusetts that peaked between 1890 and 1921 and later shifted into the New England packet trade, and by the middle of the twentieth century Cape Verdean owners held a large share of the small trading vessels running directly between Brava and southeastern Massachusetts. That history left Brava with a population far smaller than its emigrant descendants abroad, a lush spring-fed landscape earning it the nickname Ilha das Flores, and a local identity built as much around family ties to New Bedford and Providence as around life on the island itself.
Visiting: Brava has no airport and is reached by ferry from Fogo, with unpredictable schedules dependent on sea conditions, so build slack into any itinerary. Many residents have close relatives in Massachusetts or Rhode Island and are used to diaspora visitors returning to trace family history, so asking about a specific family name is a normal and welcomed conversation rather than an intrusion.
Cape Verdean diaspora in New Englandalso Cape Verdean Americans; Kriolus, self-referential among US-born generations
Southeastern Massachusetts, in Brockton, New Bedford and Boston, and Rhode Island, in Pawtucket and Providence, tracing back mainly to Brava and Fogo · English, Kriolu, Portuguese · The American Community Survey of 2024 estimated 142,570 people of Cape Verdean ancestry in the United States, up from 106,084 in 2023 and 95,003 in the 2010 census, with Massachusetts at 90,118 and Rhode Island at 26,376 holding the largest shares, while a New York Times estimate in 2007 placed the broader immigrant and descendant population closer to 265,000. United States census ancestry figures rely on self-report in a country that does classify by race and ancestry, unlike Cabo Verde itself, so the count is real but sensitive to how individuals choose to identify across generations of mixed heritage.
The community's roots run directly to the nineteenth-century whaling migration from Brava and Fogo into New Bedford, later reinforced by chain migration through family sponsorship long after commercial whaling ended. Brockton in Massachusetts holds the largest concentration, at roughly sixteen percent of that city's population in the 2010 count, and the community sustains its own morna and coladeira music scene, Kriolu-language radio and church services, and an annual cycle of homeland-linked festivals tied to island patron saints. A distinctive feature of Cape Verdean American identity is that many residents list Cape Verdean itself as their race on federal forms rather than choosing Black or White, a direct extension of the archipelago's own resistance to binary racial categories, and diaspora remittances and return visits remain a significant economic and emotional tie back to Brava and Fogo specifically.
Visiting: This entry describes a diaspora community rather than a destination inside Cabo Verde. Anyone researching or visiting Cape Verdean American neighbourhoods in Massachusetts or Rhode Island will find community festivals open and welcoming public events, notably around Cape Verdean Independence Day in July and various island saints' feasts, and Kriolu greetings are appreciated even from non-Cape Verdean visitors.
Cape Verdean diaspora in Portugalalso Cabo-verdianos em Portugal
Greater Lisbon, notably Cova da Moura and other periurban neighbourhoods, with smaller communities in Porto and the Algarve · Portuguese, Kriolu · Portugal's national statistics institute counted 68,145 legally resident Cape Verdeans in 2008, up from an estimated 50,000 in 1995. More recent Portuguese immigration data groups Cabo Verde with the other Portuguese-speaking African countries, reporting 258,981 combined residents of that origin in 2024, so no current country-specific figure was found, and Portuguese-born descendants of Cape Verdean immigrants are undercounted since they typically hold Portuguese nationality outright.
Portugal has drawn Cape Verdean migrants since the colonial era, when it was the administrative and educational centre of the empire, and the flow accelerated sharply after independence in 1975 as newly stateless administrators, and later labour migrants recruited for construction and domestic work, settled around Lisbon. Neighbourhoods such as Cova da Moura became dense, self-organised Cape Verdean enclaves, associated both with strong community and cultural institutions and, at times, with the friction and marginalisation common to periurban immigrant neighbourhoods across Europe. The community sustains an active batuku, morna and especially kizomba and zouk-adjacent music scene that has itself fed back into Cabo Verde's own contemporary music, alongside long-standing Kriolu-language associations, football clubs and church congregations that maintain direct ties to specific home islands.
Visiting: This entry describes a diaspora community rather than a destination inside Cabo Verde. Visitors researching or spending time in Lisbon's Cape Verdean neighbourhoods should go through a community contact or an organised cultural association rather than treating periurban neighbourhoods as informal sightseeing, both out of respect and for practical orientation.
Cape Verdean diaspora in the Netherlandsalso Kaapverdianen; Cabo-verdianos na Holanda
Rotterdam, especially the Delfshaven borough, with smaller communities in Schiedam, Amsterdam, Zaanstad and Delfzijl · Dutch, Kriolu, Portuguese · Statistics Netherlands recorded approximately 23,150 people of Cape Verdean origin in 2022, with the population growing roughly twenty-five percent between 1996 and 2010 and three-quarters of that growth coming from second-generation Dutch-born residents. The agency classifies by country of origin rather than by ethnicity, so the figure includes both immigrants and their Dutch-born children by parentage.
The community began with Cape Verdean men signing on as sailors on Dutch merchant ships in the 1960s and 1970s, who settled around Rotterdam's port, followed by a second wave of teachers, soldiers and lower colonial officials displaced by independence in 1975 and regularised through an immigration amnesty in 1976. Around ninety percent of Cape Verdean-origin residents live in the Rotterdam metropolitan area, with Delfshaven alone home to a concentration making up nearly nine percent of that borough's population and more than sixty registered Cape Verdean civil organisations. The community is noted for stronger labour-market integration than several other migrant groups in the Netherlands, with hair salons functioning as informal community hubs alongside transport and travel businesses, and a visible presence in Dutch music and contemporary art, and religiously it is predominantly Catholic with a smaller Jehovah's Witness presence.
Visiting: This entry describes a diaspora community rather than a destination inside Cabo Verde. A visitor interested in Rotterdam's Cape Verdean community is best directed to Delfshaven's cultural associations or to a community-run hair salon or cafe, both common informal gathering points, rather than approaching individuals unprompted.
Cape Verdean diaspora in Senegalalso Cabo-verdianos no Senegal
Dakar, historically concentrated in colonial-era commercial and residential districts · French, Kriolu, Portuguese, Wolof · An estimate from 1995 placed the Cape Verdean community in Senegal at around 25,000. No more recent country-specific census figure was located, and roughly 300 community members were reported to have since returned to Cabo Verde for teaching or healthcare work, which suggests the figure has likely declined since the 1990s without any precise current count.
Cape Verdeans began emigrating to French Senegal in the 1920s, when the United States Emergency Quota Act of 1921 sharply restricted the New England route and Portuguese colonial authorities limited passports for other destinations, making a clandestine crossing to nearby Senegal a viable alternative. Migration continued through the 1950s, with women typically working as domestic staff in French colonial households and men as artisans and skilled tradesmen, filling a specific niche in Dakar's colonial economy distinct from both French settlers and the wider Senegalese population. After Senegalese independence in 1960 some community members followed departing French employers onward to France, but many stayed, maintaining Catholic practice and Kriolu alongside French and Wolof in a majority-Muslim and Wolof-speaking society, a religious and linguistic distinctness the community has preserved across generations despite its small size.
Visiting: This entry describes a diaspora community rather than a destination inside Cabo Verde. Researchers or visitors interested in Dakar's Cape Verdean community are best served by contacting the community's Catholic parish networks, historically its central gathering institution, rather than approaching the community informally.
Cape Verdean diaspora in Sao Tome and Principealso Servicais and their tonga descendants; Cabo-verdianos em Sao Tome
Sao Tome and Principe, with an especially dense concentration on Principe island · Portuguese, Kriolu, Forro · Roughly 3,000 Cape Verdeans and their descendants live in Sao Tome and Principe today, about three percent of that country's population of roughly 187,000, and they make up more than half of Principe island's population of around 6,000. These figures come from secondary demographic sources rather than from a joint bilateral census, and Cabo Verde's own census records no data on citizens or descendants living abroad.
After Portugal abolished slavery in 1875, its colonial administration recruited Cabo Verdeans and other colonial subjects as contract labourers, the servicais, to work Sao Tome's cocoa and coffee plantations under conditions widely documented as exploitative and close to continued bondage in practice if not in name. Children born to these labourers on the islands became known as tongas, a distinct social category from both the servicais and the older Forro population descended from earlier and longer-settled enslaved and free people. Cabo Verde's independence in 1975 triggered a reverse migration, with many Cape Verdeans returning home, but a substantial community, especially on Principe, remained permanently on land allocated under colonial-era plantation structures, and most live in relative poverty today, a demographic legacy of forced labour rather than of voluntary settlement.
Visiting: This entry describes a historical labour-migration diaspora rather than a destination inside Cabo Verde. The servical and tonga history is tied to forced and coerced labour and should be approached, in conversation or in research, with the same care due any documented history of exploitation rather than as a curiosity.
Resident Chinese communityalso Chineses; the Wenzhou merchant community
Praia and Mindelo primarily, with a retail presence across most inhabited islands · Mandarin, Wenzhounese, Portuguese, Kriolu · A Chinese diplomat cited a figure of nearly 3,000 Chinese nationals resident in Cabo Verde as of the mid-2020s, making them the second largest foreign community after the Portuguese. This is a diplomatic estimate rather than a figure drawn from Cabo Verde's own census, which records the nationality of foreign residents but has no finer breakdown by regional or dialect origin within that count.
The community traces to 1995, when the first Chinese-run general store opened in Praia, followed by chain migration overwhelmingly from Wenzhou in Zhejiang province, a pattern typical of Chinese retail migration across West Africa. These family-run shops, known for their floor-to-ceiling stock of low-priced imported goods, now number roughly two hundred across the islands, concentrated on Santiago and Sao Vicente, and have measurably reshaped retail access and pricing for ordinary Cape Verdean consumers, drawing both appreciation for cheaper goods and local criticism over competition with small Cape Verdean traders. The community remains largely first-generation and business-focused, maintaining Wenzhounese social and family networks alongside growing Cape Verdean commercial partnerships, and operates separately from the country's larger state-to-state relationship with Beijing on infrastructure financing.
Visiting: Chinese-run general stores are ordinary retail businesses found in nearly every town, and there is no special protocol beyond standard courtesy, though most owners speak limited Portuguese or Kriolu rather than English, so simple local-language greetings smooth transactions.
West African migrant communitiesalso Manjaku, a catch-all local term applied to West African migrants regardless of actual ethnicity; continental Africans
Praia and Sal predominantly, with Boa Vista drawing a distinct Senegalese labour-migrant population tied to tourism construction and hospitality · Guinea-Bissau Kriol, Balanta, Fula, Mandinka, Wolof, French, Nigerian Pidgin · Cabo Verde registered 15,788 international migrants in 2020, of whom 33.75 percent originated in Guinea-Bissau, 11.45 percent in Sao Tome and Principe and 9.89 percent in Senegal. This is a migrant-stock estimate for a single year rather than a running census tally, and it does not capture undocumented or short-term traders moving through markets such as Praia's Sucupira.
Cabo Verde's relative political stability, its shared Portuguese colonial and linguistic heritage, and its proximity to the Upper Guinea coast have made it an increasingly common destination for continental West African migrants since the 2000s, reversing the historic pattern of Cape Verdean emigration outward. Bissau-Guineans form the largest single group, some arriving as long-term labour migrants who have chosen to stay and raise families despite continuing ties home, and Senegalese migrants concentrate heavily in Boa Vista's tourism construction and hospitality sector as well as in Praia's informal trade. Locally the label Manjaku, properly the name of one specific Bissau-Guinean ethnic group, is applied loosely to West African migrants of any background, including Nigerians, a flattening that migrants themselves resist, and Senegalese residents interviewed in Praia and Mindelo have specifically distanced themselves from Nigerian traders in public disputes over informal-market activity. Praia's Sucupira market is the most visible hub of this cross-border commercial life, a dense informal and semi-formal trading zone linked to goods flows from Dakar and Bissau.
Visiting: Sucupira market in Praia is a working commercial space where bargaining is expected, but treat vendors, many of them West African migrant traders, with the same respect as any Cape Verdean merchant rather than singling them out. Avoid using Manjaku as a casual descriptor for any West African-looking person, since it is an ethnonym misapplied as a slur-adjacent catch-all and is not how most of the people it is used on describe themselves.